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On-demand access to an extensive catalog of enriching lectures about Islam.
IMO News Service
Islam On Demand, producer of original high-quality video content since 1995, successfully launched its long-anticipated iPhone app on July 9th, the first day of Ramadan. Anyone with an iPhone, iPad or iPod touch can download the app and get instant access to a unique catalog of inspiring lectures by Hamza Yusuf, Suhaib Webb, Jamal Badawi, Jeffrey Lang and countless others. The app arrived at the onset of the Islamic holy month in which Muslims worldwide not only fast during the daylight hours, but also strive to increase their spirituality through extra prayers, good deeds and general studies of the religion. The Islam On Demand iPhone App helps to achieve all of this as it provides lectures on a wide variety of important topics such as fasting, faith, seeking knowledge, living Islam in the West, marriage, domestic violence, gender relations, raising Muslim children, peer pressure, basic beliefs, hijab, women in Islam, etc. Learn about Islam while getting things done on-the-go. Watch videos on the bus, train or cross-country flight. Or listen to audio on road trips, daily commutes or while working out. The app is free to download and includes more than 2000 titles that can be played without advertisements. All the content is organized within a robust and clean interface that makes it a cinch to find titles quickly and easily. You can search, sort, rate and filter titles, save favorites and share titles with friends. You can also add comments and download titles from iTunes.
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Islam On Demand is a professional video production company that focuses on original, high-quality lectures about Islam and Muslims. Since 1995 Islam On Demand has been a service to anyone interested in learning the true teachings about Islam. Lectures recorded are geared towards a Western, English-speaking audience. Many of the speakers are Western-born and/or Western-raised, and many are converts to Islam.
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IMO News Service
For the Ramadan, the first interactive learning of the Holy Quran based on Voice Analysis is coming on mobiles and tablets.
Lille: Studio Redfrog in partnership with Saudi Telecom CompanySTC and Intigral are proud to celebrate the Holy month of Ramadan with the release of Interactive Quran - Sawt Al Noor, the first mobile and tablet application for Tajweed learning, based on its unique and major technological innovation, Voice Analysis.
Through Voice Analysis feature, a technological innovation deployed for the first time for the Holy Quran, Muslims from all around the world will be able to enhance and improve their recitation of the Suras through exercises guided by the most renowned reader of Tajweed, Sheikh Abdul Basset Abdassamad. Tone and rhythm are detected and analysed by the application Interactive Quran - Sawt Al Noor and a percentage score detailing the right or wrong pronunciations is given at the end of each Sura.
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The application also allows Muslims to meet other active users via the community of Interactive Quran - Sawt Al Noor on the website and on the main social networks. They can compare the results of their Tajweed exercises, share their thoughts and tips, and discover cultural and religious themes allowing them to grow within a community of enthusiasts.
Interactive Quran - Sawt Al Noor is available worldwide on many smartphones and tablets, for Android through Google Play, for Nokia through OVI store and on Blackberry through Appworld…. And is coming soon on Apple Appstore. Menus are available in English, Arabic and French.
For details, visit at https://www.sawtalnoor.com/
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By Tariq A. Al-Maeena
The Kingdom is among the leading countries in the world in the amount of remittances sent abroad. This is primarily due to the large expatriate workforce that has been helping the Kingdom forge its present destiny. Most of the remittances are sent to loved ones back home eagerly waiting for that monthly stipend, often for survival’s sake.
But does all that transfer of money get to each and everyone safely and in the promised time? A guest worker wearing a forlorn mask on his face was obviously one dissatisfied customer who in appearance seemed to be carrying the world’s grief on his shoulders.
He told me: "I sent some money to my family in India three weeks ago, and two days ago I was told that they still had not received it. Now they do not even have any money to contact me.
“I then took time off from my duties at my expense and went to the remittance company which boasts that it can deliver money to any part of the world in minutes.
“After waiting for a long time, the agent who had taken my money seemed uninterested in my problem. He told me to wait a few more days and then come back if the money still hadn’t arrived at its destination. You see, my family in India completely depends upon my monthly contribution, and any long delay puts them in a very insecure position.
“When I kept pestering him for more information and the reasons for the delay, he then referred to the original money transfer application and I verified with him line by line that all the information I had given him was correct.
“He shrugged and told me to give it some more time, even though this company promises to deliver our hard-earned money in minutes. He also told me the company was not to blame for this delay. I was upset, but what could I do. I am just a simple worker, and yet it is my hard-earned money they took and by not delivering it, my family is facing problems.”
Sensing his mounting anxiety, I asked him if he had a copy of the wire transfer document on him, and if he did to show it to me. He nodded in the affirmative and quickly disappeared only to reappear just as quick with a copy of the money transfer.
Taking the document, I began examining it. “Okay, now let’s see. All the information you have written here is correct, including the full recipient name and address back in India including the bank details?” When he nodded, I flipped over the page of the contract to check the company’s liability. It was an internationally renowned company whose agent in Saudi Arabia was a well-established bank.
While the worker excused himself momentarily to complete some unfinished task, I started wading through the legal mumbo-jumbo of the company’s terms and conditions in fine print.
One of the paragraphs stated: "In no event shall Company X or its agents be liable for damages, delay, nonpayment, or underpayment of this money transfer, or non-delivery of any supplemental message, whether caused by negligence on the part of their employees or agents, or otherwise…"
As I read on, another paragraph caught my attention: "Company X will refund the principal amount of a money transfer upon the written request of the sender if payment is not made within 45 days.
“Company X will refund the transfer fee upon written request of the sender if the money transfer is not available to the recipient within a reasonable amount of time, subject to the business hours of the location selected for the payment and other conditions…"
As my eyebrows furrowed deeper, questions began to form in my mind. This company advertises its prompt global delivery service. It is an international company, and yet considers it unnecessary to shoulder the liability caused by negligence of its own staff here?
Why claim delivery in minutes, and yet allow a window of 45 days to get the goods to their final destination?
And finally, why should a customer provide them with a written request to get his money back or even the service charges paid for the transfer if the money has not been delivered?
Most customers would not usually take the time to read through the fine print and realize the limitations and liabilisties involved in the transaction, and usually it is the uneducated who suffer the most. How many others find themselves in the same situation?
Perhaps businesses should highlight their liabilities in visible areas in their establishment for all to see in case services promised are not duly delivered.
Meanwhile, those who can should read the fine print, no matter how reputable the business they are dealing with appears to be. Ramadan Kareem.
[The author can be reached at talmaeena@aol.com. Follow him on Twitter @talmaeena]
(Courtesy: Saudi Gazette)
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Our national flag was designed by a Muslim woman of Hyderabad namely Suraiya Tayyabji, wife of Badruddin Tayyabji, and not by Pingali Venkaiah as is widely believed, claims the president of the Voice of Telangana, Captain L Panduranga Reddy. To substantiate his claim, Reddy cited quotations from the book, “The Last Days of the Raj” by renowned historian, Trevor Royle.
Reddy further added that no historian in early days has mentioned the name of Pingali being the designer of the tri-colour. Moreover, the book published on the centenary occasion of the year of Congress Party in 1985 has no mention of Pingali Venkaiah designing the national flag. It was Prof. Sarojini Regani of Osmania University, who in her hagiography, “Highlights of the Freedom Movement in Andhra Pradesh” (published in 1972) had written about Pingali Venkaiah designing the national flag. However, she does not cite any primary source to substantiate her assertion.
(Courtesy: Radiance Viewsweekly)
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IMO News Service
Srinagar: Prof. Saifuddin Soz, Member of Parliament and former Union Minister & President of J&K Pradesh Congress Committee, addressed a largely attended public rallies at Kandi Khas ( Handwara), Drugmullah (Kupwara) and Villagam (Ramhal Handwara) on July 16, 2013. He was accompanied by Raman Bhalla Minister for Housing & Horticulture; Shabir Ahmad Khan, Minister for Health; Gulam Nabi Monga, MLC, Vice President; Mohd Amin Khan, District President; Ch. Salam U Din; Gulam Mohd Wani, Adv.; Mohd Abdullah Mir, Adv.; Assadullah Mir; Sonaullah Shiekh; Farooq Mir; Gulam Mohi Din Bhat; Abdul Rahim Wani; Gh. Hassan Wani; Mohd Maqbool Bhat; Gulam Rasool Tikri; Nazir Ahmad Lone and others.
Prof. Soz responded to the local demands regarding drinking water, irrigation facilities, good health care, repairs and construction of link roads etc, while adressing meetings at all the three places. Prof. Soz assured the people that Minister Incharge of the respective departments would visit these areas and solve their difficulties. He assured that he would himself monitor implementation of these commitments.
The leaders urged the people to remain steadfast in their resolve to further strengthen the Congress Party. They expressed great satisfaction that Congress Party had become a people’s movement in Kashmir and this augers well for future of this party as a instrument of service to the people.
Prof. Soz rejected as rumour mongering the apprehension and fear that Kashmiris were not treated well outside the state. He told the people that they should develop the culture of investigation of individual complaints before they give credence to the rumours which are floated by the vested interests. He further said that wherever there are complaints these must be brought to the notice of the authorities. He informed the people that about 10 lakh Kashmiris were persuing studies in various universities and colleges in India or they are involved in pursuit of livelihood selling shawls, carpets and other handicrafts. It is therefore important for the people, who have apprehension regarding any adverse situation, to check facts before making the statements.
On this occasion Prof. Soz made the facts clear to the people that Congress Party had emerged as an important political factor in the state and no government in the state can be formed without Congress Party’s involvement.
Prof. Soz explained in detail why he was asserting that in elections to be held in 2014 Congress will have the largest numbers and will emerge decisive factor in the politics of Jammu and Kashmir.
To a thunderous applause, Prof. Soz asserted that no power on earth can amend or abrogate Article 370 of the Constitution of India without the will of the people of Jammu and Kashmir state and that Article will continue to remain as an integral part of the Constitution of India.
Raman Bhalla and Shabir Ahmad Khan assured the people that they are available to look into the demands of the people and solve their problems. Both the Ministers assured the people that they would take personal interest in seeking implementation of the assurances made by Prof. Saifuddin Soz.
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By Tufail Ahmad
Ahead of the 2014 elections, both Hindu and Muslim politicians are reinforcing demands for reservation in education and jobs to Muslims, the premise being that anyone who professes Islam as religion will benefit from such a measure. On June 23, Union minister Salman Khurshid said he was hopeful the Supreme Court will uphold the constitutional validity of the government decision to allocate 4.5 per cent quota to Muslims. Earlier, Uttar Pradesh chief minister Akhilesh Yadav backed the move, calling for a constitutional amendment to ensure Muslim quota.
Similar voices are being raised across India. In May, thousands of Muslims marched from Malegaon to Mumbai, demanding 20 per cent reservation. A Maharashtra government committee under Mehmood-ur-Rehman has recommended 6-7 per cent quota to Muslims. In Chennai, the Tamil Nadu Muslim Munnetra Kazhagam protested on July 6, demanding reservation for Muslims. Bahujan Samajwadi Party chief Mayawati has said she supports such a move. Not long ago, All India Muslim Majlis-e-Mushawarat asked the Congress government to clearly state a case for Muslim quota before the Supreme Court and prove its secularism. Several Muslim groups like All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen, the People’s Front of India and Jamiat Ulama-e-Hind have made similar calls.
No group says Islam will be the criterion for such a measure; these demands are rationalised in the name of “minorities” — referring mainly to Muslims. However, any Islam-based reservation will harm the interests of Muslims, thereby also damaging the secular foundations of India. Also, Indian Muslims do not qualify to be a minority. India is placed second or third in the list of countries with the largest Muslim population, about the same number as in Pakistan. With population estimates upward of 170 million, Muslims cannot be called a minority simply because the number of Hindus is higher.
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Second, Muslim leaders nurse minorityism as it helps them get state benefits. Minorityism is also pushing Muslims into inertia. These leaders belong to upper castes, ashraf, and work against a bulk of Muslims who benefit from the existing quota for the OBCs. For this reason, organisations of backward caste Muslims recently held a meeting in Lucknow, where they called for a boycott of political parties that support the ashraf-driven agenda for religion-based quota.
Third, there is a class of Hindu politicians who desire Muslim votes and want to look good by advocating Muslim causes. Hamid Dalwai, the Muslim social reformer of Maharashtra, warned that such Hindu collaboration could undermine the secular foundations of India, arguing that the secularism of Hindus who treat Muslims as a minority encourages Muslims’ anti-secularism, and minorities in a democracy have equal rights, not privileges. “The very fact that in India we call Muslims a minority and Hindus the majority,” Dalwai wrote, “implies a non-secular attitude.”
Minorityism was also encouraged by the Rangnath Mishra and Sachar committees. India needs a courageous politician to lead the republic into its second edition so that it benefits citizens irrespective of belief or caste. The current system of affirmative measures was dreamt up over half a century ago while the needs of the modern Indian republic are different. A bold leader must order a review of the system of affirmative measures, remove reservation in parliament for SCs and STs and quash any quota based on caste or creed. There are better means of delivering social and economic justice.
It appears impossible to find such a visionary leader, but let’s not forget that a bulk of Indians are youth under 25 who identify themselves not as members of caste and religious communities but as Indians. In the coming years, they will accept an overhaul of the state benefits system. They will also not vote along caste and religious lines, as their parents once did. This is a huge constituency of young voters in India’s near future. For now, it does seem that the political class lacks ability to lead the republic in a constructive direction. However, journalists, academics, Supreme Court justices and non-governmental organisations can begin by initiating a debate on a new system of affirmative measures.
Likely measures could mean using the nuclear family and its income as the qualifying unit for reservation in education and jobs. It is easy to find these through statistical instruments like Below Poverty Line and Antyodaya Anna Yojana ration cards, Aadhaar and permanent account number numbers, et al. The debate on quota based on caste and religion must be abandoned, freeing communities emotionally so that they can stand on their own. The republic must talk to citizens, stop its habit of speaking to communities, or communicating that it exists to give jobs. There seems to be a relevant case for reservation in parliament for women, but such a measure should come with an expiry date.
Sometimes, a single decision sets a community back for decades. The Congress government’s 1986 legislative decision in the Shahbano case unleashed Hindutva forces, damaging the welfare of Muslims for the long term and left Muslim women citizens constitutionally unsheltered. The Supreme Court is set to rule on the question of Muslim quota. The justices have a historic responsibility, says Delhi-based legal reporter Satya Prakash, to think like the founders of modern India who withstood the overwhelming religious strife of the Partition to deliver a secular republic to Indians.
[Tufail Ahmadis Director of South Asia Studies Project at the Middle East Media Research Institute, Washington DC]
(Courtesy: The New Indian Express)
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By Ross Colvin and Satarupa Bhattacharjya
New Delhi: The lunch guests were sworn to secrecy.
The European diplomats gathered at the German ambassador's residence in New Delhi's lush green embassy enclave quizzed the guest of honor on everything from the economy and communal violence to his political ambitions.
But nobody, the representatives from most of the 28 European Union states agreed, could publicly mention the man they were meeting that day: Narendra Modi, India's most controversial politician and, possibly, the country's next prime minister.
It was a moment that captures the paradox at the heart of Modi, and the caution with which the outside world approaches him. The January lunch at Ambassador Michael Steiner's residence ended a decade-long unofficial EU boycott of the 62-year-old politician, who had just won his third straight term as chief minister of the state of Gujarat.
The boycott stemmed from 2002 riots in Gujarat in which Hindu mobs killed at least 1,000 people, most of them Muslims. Human rights groups and political rivals have long alleged that Modi, a Hindu and a dominant force in the Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), allowed or even actively encouraged the attacks. Modi has always vehemently denied the charge, and a Supreme Court inquiry found no evidence to prosecute him.
In the decade since, Modi has remade himself as a business-savvy, investor-friendly administrator, a charismatic leader who has presided over a booming economy and lured major foreign and Indian companies to invest in his sprawling coastal state, famed for its spirit of entrepreneurship and as the birthplace of Mahatma Gandhi.
Modi is now the head of the BJP's campaign to win back power in a national election due by next May, and is widely expected to become the party's prime ministerial candidate. As he has grown in political importance, foreign envoys have begun, cautiously, to woo him.
At the same time, many worry that a public appearance with the politician may serve as a kind of endorsement.
Modi is a polarizing figure, evoking visceral reactions across the political spectrum. Critics call him an extremist and a dictator; supporters believe he could lift India's economy out of the doldrums and make India an Asian superpower.
His profile is far bigger than almost any other politician in India. He attracts media coverage normally reserved for Bollywood A-listers. His face appears on magazines and newspapers and the covers of two new biographies. His comments and public appearances are regular fodder for TV news shows.
Modi's ability to remake himself is central to understanding the man, even if he rejects any suggestion he has changed his image. In a rare interview in late June he insisted that apparent contradictions were no such thing.
Sitting in his sparsely decorated office in a heavily guarded compound in the Gujarati capital Gandhinagar, Modi put his hand on his chest to emphasize that point. "I'm a nationalist. I'm patriotic. Nothing is wrong. I'm a born Hindu. So yes, you can say I'm a Hindu nationalist," he said. At the same time, "as far as progressive, development-oriented, workaholic ... there's no contradiction between the two. It is one and the same image."
The hour-long interview with Modi, conducted mostly in Hindi, along with interviews with advisers and aides, paint a picture of a hard-working loner with few friends and an unusually small circle of colleagues and loyal officials around him.
At times Modi appeared tense, though not defensive. He chose his words carefully, especially when talking about his role in the 2002 riots.
"A leader who doesn't take a decision: who will accept him as a leader? That is a quality, it's not a negative," Modi said. "If someone was an authoritarian then how would he be able to run a government for so many years? Without a team effort how can you get success?"
He dismissed concerns about his style of management.
"I always say the strength of democracy lies in criticism. If there is no criticism that means there is no democracy. And if you want to grow, you must invite criticism. And I want to grow, I want to invite criticism."
The son of a tea-stall owner, Modi's journey into politics started young. As a teenager he joined the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), a voluntary right-wing group and the philosophical parent of the BJP.
Early on Modi was a "pracharak" or propagandist, living a monkish life and evangelizing from village to village to win new recruits. That experience taught him "your life should be disciplined," he said, and that "what work you get, do it well."
Modi joined the BJP in 1987. With a reputation as an efficient organizer he rose through the ranks, although his self-promotion and ambition earned him enemies along the way, according to various biographies.
Parimal Nathwani, group president in Gujarat of one of India's biggest companies, Reliance Industries Limited, tells a story that captures Modi's drive to succeed.
In January 2001, nine months before Modi became chief minister, Gujarat was hit by one of the worst earthquakes in India's recorded history. Modi, who was working at the BJP headquarters in Delhi, called Nathwani at Reliance to ask if he could borrow the company jet to fly to Kutch, the hardest-hit district.
Modi did not think Gujarat's then-chief minister Keshubai Patel - who was also BJP but was Modi's rival - would allow him on the official aircraft, Nathwani recalls. But "he wanted to be the first to reach Kutch, to see and analyze what had happened so that he could make a report for the party leadership in Delhi." Nathwani lent him the jet - handing Modi a political victory over his nemesis.
Nearly four months after Modi's swearing-in, Gujarat was hit by another earthquake. This one was man-made; the after-shocks can still be felt.
On February 27, 2002, a fire aboard a train in the eastern Gujarat district of Godhra killed 59 Hindu pilgrims. While there are still questions over how it started, police blamed the blaze on local Muslims.
That triggered a wave of violence in which Hindu mobs attacked predominantly Muslim neighborhoods. India is a Hindu-majority nation; some 138 million Muslims make up about 13 per cent of the population according to the 2001 census, the latest available data on religious makeup.
In 2011, a Gujarati court convicted 31 Muslims for the initial attack on the train. Separately, gynecologist Maya Kodnani, who Modi made a minister for woman and children in 2007, was sentenced to 28 years last August for handing out swords to rioters and exhorting them to attack Muslims. She is still serving her sentence.
Modi has always rebuffed demands for an apology. He insists that he did all that he could to stop the violence. "Up till now, we feel that we used our full strength to set out to do the right thing," he said.
A special investigation team (SIT) appointed by the Supreme Court to investigate the role of Modi and others in the violence said in a 541-page report in 2012 it could find no evidence to prosecute the chief minister. Most importantly, it cleared Modi of the most damaging allegation: that he had told senior officials to allow Hindu mobs to vent their anger.
"Everyone has their own view. I would feel guilty if I did something wrong," Modi told Reuters. "Frustration comes when you think ‘I got caught. I was stealing and I got caught.' That's not my case. I was given a thoroughly clean chit."
Asked if he regretted the violence, Modi compared his feelings to the occupant of a car involved in an accident. If "someone else is driving a car and we're sitting behind, even then if a puppy comes under the wheel, will it be painful or not? Of course it is. If I'm a chief minister or not, I'm a human being. If something bad happens anywhere, it is natural to be sad."
For years after the riots, EU ambassadors in New Delhi had largely kept their distance from Modi, although the EU never formally ostracized him.
Britain, which has a large Gujarati population, did impose a formal diplomatic boycott on Modi for the deaths of three British citizens in the riots, but ended it last October.
Washington maintains its ban, despite pressure from some Republican lawmakers in Congress.
At the lunch, Modi occupied a central seat at a long, rectangular dining room table, with German ambassador Steiner sitting to one side. His reply to the question about the possibility of further riots: there has been no communal violence in Gujarat since 2002, unlike in other parts of India.
In the aftermath of the riots, Modi went to work improving his reputation.
"What he has done is change the narrative and go for (economic) development," says Swapan Dasgupta, a New Delhi-based political analyst who has advised BJP leaders on media strategy.
Modi has built a reputation as an incorruptible and efficient technocrat who has electrified Gujarat's 18,000 villages - the state is the only one in India with a near 24/7 power supply - and slashed red tape to attract companies like Ford, Maruti Suzuki and Tata Motors.
During Modi's 10 years as chief minister, Gujarat has grown an average of 10 per cent a year. The state ranked fifth out of 15 big states in 2010/2011 in terms of per capita income. Modi boasts it is the "engine of India's economic growth."
But opponents and some economists point out that Gujarat has a long tradition of entrepreneurship and that the state was doing well economically before Modi took charge. Other states, including Maharashtra, Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu and Delhi, attracted more foreign investment than Gujarat between 2009 and 2012, according to India's central bank.
The difference is Modi and his sales pitch. Economic success is important, he seems to realize. But so is telling that story again and again.
As chief minister, Modi has embraced modern technology like no other Indian leader. He is active on Facebook and YouTube and has 1.8 million followers on Twitter, though aides say that number will have to grow substantially for it to have any impact in an election.
During his re-election campaign last December, Modi used 3-D projection technology to appear simultaneously at 53 events - a world record.
He appears impeccably dressed, either in suits or stylish tailor-made kurtas, a knee-length Indian shirt, rimless glasses and a neatly trimmed white beard.
"In terms of brand recognition he has succeeded eminently. Today a whole lot of people in different parts of the country at least know his name," said Abraham Koshy, professor of marketing at India's top business management school, the Indian Institute of Management in Ahmedabad, who nevertheless questions whether Modi can turn that recognition into votes.
The Indian media and the ruling Congress party regularly claim that Modi has employed foreign help - in particular APCO Worldwide, one of the largest PR agencies in the United States - to help him rehabilitate his image and make him more acceptable to voters at home and governments abroad.
While politicians around the world use PR agencies, Modi's political opponents hope to raise questions about Modi's achievements, say analysts. Opponents are trying to tell voters "appearance is not reality, what you see is very different from the real Modi," said Pralay Kanungo, a professor of politics and an expert on Hindu nationalism at Jawaharlal Nehru University in New Delhi.
Modi's government hired APCO in 2009 to promote Gujarat's biannual business investment summits in India and abroad. But the Washington-based firm has repeatedly denied any involvement with Modi's political campaigns.
When asked to comment, APCO pointed to a statement they made earlier this year: "We do not work on Chief Minister Modi's publicity campaign; we are not engaged to help resolve the (U.S.) visa issue."
The man himself says he has no need for image makers. "I have never looked at or listened to or met a PR agency. Modi does not have a PR agency," he said.
Modi says he rises at about 5 am every day to do yoga and meditate. He reads the news for 15 minutes via Twitter on his iPad. He has not taken a holiday in 12 years, he said while walking Reuters around the garden outside his office.
Modi lives alone and has little contact with his mother, four brothers or sister.
Vibrant Gujarat
One key to the way Modi has transformed his image is "Vibrant Gujarat", a project he launched in 2003. The biennial event is aimed at attracting investment to his state.
"The image makeover was needed as Modi realized that as a hardliner, he would have limited acceptability in the political spectrum," said one of Gujarat's top civil servants.
"So he started working on his image and the Vibrant Gujarat summit of 2003 was a big step towards it. The subsequent summits have further helped in shaping his image."
The event started small but is now marketed as a kind of mini-Davos with Japan and Canada as partner countries. At the 2013 summit, 121 countries attended, according to the Gujarat government.
In one memorable moment, Modi, India's richest businessmen and diplomats from Japan, Canada and Britain among others, raised hands together as a packed auditorium cheered. It was a powerful image, signaling Modi's acceptance by major foreign powers and business leaders. Anil Ambani, head of India's third-largest telecommunications company, called him a "lord of men."
In what many political analysts viewed as a breakthrough moment for Modi, he persuaded billionaire industrialist Ratan Tata in 2008 to move production of the Nano, billed as the world's cheapest car, to the state.
"He is good for business in India," says Ron Somers, head of the U.S.-India Business Council, a Washington-based lobby group that represents major U.S. companies in India.
It is difficult to tell how much of the tens of billions of dollars pledged at the summits end up being invested, but the gatherings achieve one thing: "Vibrant Gujarat summits are basically media-focused events where the media can see Ratan Tata and the Ambanis," with Modi, said a former strategist who has worked with the government on the summits.
At the same time, there is substance behind the glitz. Gujarat's government has invested heavily in roads, ports, agriculture and power, creating visible signs of progress in contrast to other parts of India.
Projects that can take months or even years to be cleared elsewhere are regularly approved in days or weeks in Gujarat.
Modi's image is also helped by the missteps of the ruling Congress party. Prime Minister Manmohan Singh's national government has struggled through a series of corruption scandals. Economic growth is at a decade low.
But as Modi moves closer to becoming his party's presumptive candidate for prime minister, his model of economic development is coming under greater scrutiny by both opponents and the Indian media.
The biggest criticism is that he is too pro-business and that poor and minority communities, especially Muslims, have been left behind.
India's Planning Commission, which sets five-year economic plans for the country, has expressed concern about Gujarat's performance on number of social indicators, such as malnutrition, maternal mortality, access to health, education for girls and minorities, and water, and says the state should be doing a better job on these issues given the size of its economy.
"It appears that the high growth rate achieved ... over the years has not percolated to the marginalized sections of society," the Planning Commission said in its 2011 India Human Development Report.
Modi says he is tackling these issues. He has proposed spending 42 per cent of his 2013/2014 state budget on education, nutrition, healthcare and other social welfare programs.
"We do believe in inclusive growth, we do believe that the benefits of this development must reach to the last person. We're doing a good job, that's why the expectations are high. As they should be. Nothing is wrong," Modi told Reuters.
Modi will now take his mantra of good governance and development on the road to try to convince voters to vote his party into power nationally for the first time in 10 years.
Pollsters expect a close election with regional parties likely to be king-makers. Even if the BJP wins the most votes it could struggle to find partners to form a coalition government, especially with Modi at its head.
The man himself dismisses the notion he is divisive.
"I'm not in favor of dividing Hindus and Sikhs. I'm not in favor of dividing Hindus and Christians. All the citizens, all the voters, are my countrymen," Modi said. "Religion should not be an instrument in your democratic process," he added.
(Courtesy: Trade Arabia)
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They think that till Burqa is on, Mother India cannot provide them what they want.
By Dr Javed Jamil
Burqa symbolizes piety and purity. Secularism is indeed a burqa for our great nation which embellishes it and safeguards it from the piercing eyes of the enemies of its unity and integrity. But for those who want to sully the integrity of someone, burqa is an obstacle. This additional piece of cloth is to be torn apart if the piety is to be ravished. Narendra Modi and his party and the organizations that sustain him are having an eye on the Burqa of Secularism. They have been trying hard for decades to snatch the burqa and bare Mother India. They think that till Burqa is on, Mother India cannot provide them what they want.
It is truly unfortunate that the Election scene is witnessing such a shameless behaviour of a Prime Ministerial aspirant. Muslimphobia has damaged his spirits beyond repair. If “daarhi” has not yet hit his tongue, it is because he himself sports it. Otherwise, by now he would have used “Chor ki daarhi men tinka” idiom to hit his opponents.
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This is high time a high power committee of Muslim analysts be set up to guide the Community to the elections. This is also high time we finalized the Manifesto for 2014 and beyond, which presents not only Muslim specific demands but also presents Muslim Perspective of the National Development. As I have said in my “Muslim Vision of Secular India” document, Muslims in India have three statuses. They are constitutionally a minority with guarantee to rights that make them equal citizens. As an ideological bloc, they are the second largest majority, which must be in a position to influence the direction of all the policies of the country. And socially, they are part of the deprived majority. All the three statuses deserve equal attention. Right now, we are concerned only about the first, and this can only give in our hands a begging bowl. If we want to play a meaningful role in the national affairs as an empowered community, we need to focus on the other two as well. And this is the biggest challenge for the Elections 2014.
[Dr Javed Jamilis India based thinker and writer with over a dozen books including his latest, “Muslims Most Civilised, Yet Not Enough” and “Muslim Vision of Secular India: Destination & Road-map”. He can be contacted at doctorforu123@yahoo.com or +91-8130340339]
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By Abdul Hafiz Lakhani
Ahmedabad: PM aspirant and Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi chose a foreign agency to give his first interview after taking over his new role as BJP's election committee head. While many say that this was meant to be a clever strategy to get a wider reach on foreign shores and project his image as a progressive and industry oriented next generation leader, it looks like the move has backfired due to a comment made in the interview.
In an interview given to Reuters, Narendra Modi in his reaction to a question on Gujarat riots in 2002, said, ''If someone else is driving a car and we’re sitting behind, even then if a puppy comes under the wheel, will it be painful or not. Of course, if I’m a chief minister or not, I’m a human being. If something bad happens anywhere, it is natural to be sad.” This reply has been taken in different context by different political parties.
Despite often being careful with words, Narendra Modi’s puppy remark in an interview with Reuters has raised a political storm. Given his prime-ministerial ambitions, everything he says or does invites close scrutiny, provoking sharp criticism of any slip-up from opponents and vehement justifications from acolytes. An apology for a bad analogy, for being misunderstood and for causing an unintended hurt could have lessened the pain of the aggrieved.
But Modi does not believe in apologising. Humility is a trait his character is apparently devoid of. It is perhaps contrary to the image of a strongman he is building for himself. Modi has not apologised for the 2002 Muslim massacre even though being the Chief Minister then, he cannot escape moral responsibility, at least.
A minister in his government, Maya Kodnani, has been convicted for handing out swords to rioters and exhorting them to target Muslims. His then Home Minister, Amit Shah, is facing trial.
Senior police officers of Gujarat have been charge-sheeted. But Modi defends himself saying that a special investigation team set up by the Supreme Court has found no evidence of his involvement.
In public speeches and media interviews Modi projects himself as a development-oriented, decisive leader capable of taking hard measures to lift the economy. This projection is in line with the BJP strategy of painting the UPA government as “limp and indecisive”.
In the Reuters interview Modi described himself as a “nationalist”, a “born Hindu” and “a patriot”. With the open RSS backing and Amit Shah raising the temple issue, it is not hard to guess what section of society they address in not-so-subtle ways.
Another take-away from the interview is that Modi, commenting on the perception of his being “a polarising figure”, said the polarisation of the Democrats and the Republicans helped democracy work in the US. It is this tragic flaw in his character which could deny him the support of some senior leaders of the BJP as well as of other parties, should there be a chance to form a government, and thus frustrate his dream of becoming the PM.
Human rights groups and political rivals have long alleged that Modi, a Hindu and a dominant force in BJP, allowed or even actively encouraged the 2002 attacks. Modi has always vehemently denied the charge, and a Supreme Court inquiry found no evidence to prosecute him.
Modi has always insisted that he did all that he could to stop the violence. "Up till now, we feel that we used our full strength to set out to do the right thing," he told Reuters.
A special investigation team (SIT) appointed by the Supreme Court to investigate the role of Modi and others in the violence said in a 541-page report in 2012 it could find no evidence to prosecute the chief minister.
Analysts have said it is unclear how much of a factor the 2002 riots will be in the next general election, which is due by May 2014 but could be called as early as November.
Modi, praised by business leaders for his state's booming economy, is widely seen as his party's strongest candidate to become prime minister.
[Abdul Hafiz Lakhaniis a senior Journalist based at Ahmedabad, Gujarat. He is associated with IndianMuslimObserver.com as Bureau Chief (Gujarat). He can be reached at lakhani63@yahoo.com or on his cell 09228746770]
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App to provide access to a huge catalog of enriching lectures about Islam.
IMO News Service
Islam On Demand, producer of original high-quality video content since 1995, successfully launched its long-anticipated iPhone app on July 9, 2013. The app provides instant access to a unique catalog of inspiring lectures by Hamza Yusuf, Suhaib Webb, Jamal Badawi, Jeffrey Lang and countless others. Now the video production company aspires to build the same mobile app for Android devices. To do this, they recently launched a Kickstarter.com project in an effort to raise the necessary funds to build it. Kickstarter is a way to fund creative projects through what is known as "crowd-source funding" in which a group of people contribute money to help a project meet its financial goals. Supporters can contribute a single dollar or thousands of dollars in exchange for rewards and the satisfaction of helping a project come to life. To view Islam On Demand's Android app project go to: http://www.islamondemand.com/kickstarter
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Reviews for the Islam On Demand iPhone app have been very positive thusfar: "I absolutely love this app. It has a variety of lectures and it's great if you're trying to get knowledge on Islam and everything pertaining to it. It's great for non-Muslims who might have unanswered questions as well." Another reviewer comments, "Highly recommend this app to get high quality videos and high quality information." And finally, "Rarely do you find such a vast aggregate of Islamic information and this one does it with an intuitive and well crafted user interface." For more details about the iPhone app go to http://www.islamondemand.com/app and anyone interested in getting the app for Android should go to http://www.islamondemand.com/kickstarter
Islam On Demand is a professional video production company that focuses on original, high-quality lectures about Islam and Muslims. Since 1995 Islam On Demand has been a service to anyone interested in learning the true teachings about Islam. Lectures recorded are geared towards a Western, English-speaking audience. Many of the speakers are Western-born and/or Western-raised, and many are converts to Islam.
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By Rushdi Siddiqui
I have been fortunate enough to be involved in many interesting conversations over the years from the potentially practical (Islamic stock exchange, Islamic Libor, convergence between Islamic finance and halal industry), to potentially flawed (Islamic inflation, Islamic unemployment, consumer price index, Islamic car, Islamic washing machine), and the potentially feasible (Islamic currency, dinar).
Big Mac index
Today, I would like to speak about the theory of purchasing power, but present it as something relatively simple and relevant that not only attempts to capture the purchasing power of (Muslim country) consumers, but also with something that is closely linked to historical Arabia and referenced in the Holy Quran.
A purchasing power theory index has been around since 1986, and it’s linked to one of the most recognised global brands around the world. McDonald’s, the golden arches company, has made the ‘Big Mac’ into a trademarked asset class, much like ‘Xerox’ equated to photo-copying. Its signature product, Big Mac, is known worldwide and is often used as a symbol of American capitalism.
Why doesn’t the Muslim world, consisting of 57 countries and nearly 25 per cent of the world’s population, have something comparable? Are brands like Mecca Cola fit for purpose or is it pushing religion and confining to only Muslims?
In 1986, The Economist published the oversimplified burgernomics, as a tongue-in-cheek example of Big Mac PPP. It examines the purchasing power parity between nations, using the cost of a Big Mac as a benchmark. Obviously, this is the language utilised by a layman and not an economist, but it conveys the essence of the index intent.
Put differently, the Big Mac index is about the amount of time that an average worker in a given country needs to earn to purchase a Big Mac. But, the Big Mac may not be applicable to many Muslims, be it costs, halal certification, taste, or availability.
‘Kebabnomics’
The million dollar question has two parts: 1. Does the Muslim world need to develop a halal Big Mac equivalent index? 2. If so, what type of ‘food’ could command the same brand recall as the Big Mac amongst Muslims?
Yes, there is a desire to have a comparable (food) index that relates ‘more’ to the Muslims due to its availability, acceptability, historical and religious significance. More importantly, it neither requires detailed explanation nor justification of the chosen ‘food’.
In going through the process of selecting the right food for the proposed index, obviously, it is worth looking at the various options considered to rival the Big Mac.
A Rojak or oxtail soup index lacks the universality, as such cuisine may not be available or in demand outside of Malaysia, Singapore and Indonesia. Biryani is probably a better bet than Rojak or oxtail at a global level, but should it be chicken, lamb, beef, or prawns based?
Honourable mention needs to be made for Bukhara rice, shawarmas, baklava, curry, bread and lentils as index barometers, but somehow they do not quite encapsulate the notion of halal Kebabnomics.
Dates index
Hence, the closest Big Mac match for Muslims could be the date. Obviously, there will be disagreements on comparing dates (natural food) to processed food (Big Mac) and the relevance of dates outside of the holy month of Ramadan.
Dates are mentioned in the Holy Quran as most beneficial for health, encouraged to be consumed at Iftar (breaking of fast) during Ramadan, used as an ingredient in a variety of foods, and are subject of economic scientific discussions, as its health components strike discourses at conferences and festivals.
It is in the holy month of Ramadan that the sale of dates reaches its peak as Muslims worldwide abide by the Sunnah of Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) to break fast with dates or water — as he said, this is undoubtedly the best thing for the health of our bodies. The variants of date products include pickled dates, date ice cream, date cola, etc, modelled into different delicacies. The utilisation of dates today has grown by leaps and bounds as it was once a upon a time used as a provision to nourish prophets and messengers in their long missions and nomadic lifestyle.
The proposed dates index may be stated as: how much time is required for a person to work to purchase five kilogrammes of Madinah dates. In knowing fellow Muslims, there may be differences of opinion of the appropriate dates, but we need to have an indicator, which we can call our own.
The dates index is more relevant than a Big Mac as it rhymes with all Muslims regardless of their race/ethnicity, geographical and/or cultural differences.
[The writer is co-founder and MD of Azka Capital, private equity advisory firm focused on halal industry initiatives, and he is an advisor to Thomson Reuters on Islamic finance and halal industry.]
(Courtesy: Khaleej Times)
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By Muhammad Mujahid Syed
Jeddah: A visiting Indian scholar and journalist has said the Muslim youth need guidance to remain on the "correct path."
Ubaidur Rahman Qasmi, editor-in-chief of Muallim magazine, was speaking at an Iftar party organized by Molana Hifzur Rahman Academy in Jeddah.
“We, the Muslims, have differences like any other community on this planet, but we should unite for a common cause. This is the main objective of the Muallim magazine. Our present generation prefers English medium schools but the drawback is that the youth are being brain washed by an alien culture,” he said.
According to Qasmi, his English-language magazine provides Muslim youth with lifestyle guidance and portrays Muslims as productive members of society who want to live peacefully with followers of other religions.
“Islam is a religion of peace and a perfect system of life for humanity. A Muslim cannot be called a Muslim if he is not adopting the path of the Qur’an and Sunnah. Keeping this point in mind, our magazine helps English readers in this regard.
“We are aware of the challenges in the field of media and we try to adhere to the rules of professionalism and quality. We need our own English media to highlight our real condition,” he added.
Qasmi, who hails from Sultanpur in the Indian state of Uttar Pradesh, is also the managing director of Blossom Media Pvt. Ltd, which he said is the only media, advisory and consultancy firm on the emerging Muslim consumer market in India.
“Differences, if not corrected on time, eat away any community like a fire,” said Bahjat Ayyub Zinjani, founder of the Hifzur Rahman Academy, Jeddah, and host of the event.
“The ulema should come forward to unite the Ummah that is suffering from divisions,” he added.
Zinjani praised Qasmi for his efforts and appealed to the audience to help him in his noble cause.
(Courtesy: Saudi Gazette)
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By Uri Avnery
On my 70th birthday, I received a gift from Yitzhak Rabin: he signed the document recognizing the existence of the Palestinian people, after many decades of denial. He also recognized the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) as its representative. I had demanded this, almost alone, for many years. Three days later, the Oslo agreement was signed on the White House lawn.
This week I received another gift of similar magnitude, obviously in anticipation of my 90th birthday, which is due in less than two months. No less an institution than the European Union has declared what practically amounts to a total boycott of the settlements, 15 years after Gush Shalom, the peace organization to which I belong, had issued a call for such a boycott.
The European decision says that no Israeli institution or corporation which has any direct or indirect connection with Israeli settlements in the West Bank, East Jerusalem or the Golan Heights will receive any contract, grant, prize or suchlike from the EU or any member state. To assure compliance, every contract between Israelis and the EU will contain a paragraph stating that the settlements are not part of Israel. A friend of mine sent me a message consisting of one word: Mabrouk. When we decided to organize our boycott in 1998, we had several interconnected aims in mind. A boycott is an eminently democratic instrument, a form of non-violent resistance. Every single individual can decide for himself or herself whether to join the boycott or not.
Also, every individual can decide whether to boycott all the enterprises on the recommended list, or exclude some. Some of our supporters refused to boycott the Golan settlements, which they considered different from the others, some refused to boycott the East Jerusalemites.
Many enterprises in the settlements did not go there for ideological reasons – capitalists are not generally known for their ideological fervor – but because the Israeli government gave them (stolen) land for free, as well as all kinds of grants, exemption from taxes and other incentives. It made economic sense for a corporation to sell its very high-priced site in Tel Aviv and get free land in Ariel. A boycott may counterbalance these gains.
Contrary to getting out into the streets and joining a demonstration, not buying something in the supermarket is a private affair. In a demonstration, one may get tear-gassed, water-cannoned or clubbed. One exposes oneself and may be put on a list somewhere or even dismissed from a government job. Everybody can boycott. But our main purpose was conceptual. For decades, successive Israeli governments have striven to eradicate the Green Line from the map and the minds of the people. The main aim of the boycott was to reinstitute the real borders of Israel in the public mind.
We distributed many thousands of copies of the list of settlement enterprises, all on request. The Israeli government paid us the unique compliment of enacting a special law that penalizes all calls for a boycott of the settlers’ products. Every person who feels harmed by such a call can demand unlimited compensation, without having to prove any actual damage. This could amount to millions of dollars. We asked the Supreme Court to strike down this law, but the court has been dragging its feet for several years already, obviously afraid of passing judgment.
Yet while we were doing this, the European Union did the opposite. It practically helped to finance the settlements – the very settlements it declared illegal.
Actually, the new measures are not new at all. The agreement between the EU and Israel exempts Israeli products from European customs, as if Israel were a European country. Israel is already a participant in the European football league, the Eurovision Song Contest and other events and organizations. Israeli universities receive huge research grants from Europe and take part in European scientific projects.
All these agreements are in principle restricted to Israel proper and do not apply to the settlements. Yet for decades, the Brussels super-government had consciously closed both its eyes.
I know, because I myself traveled to Brussels years ago, to protest against this practice, explaining to commissioners, officials and parliamentarians that they are in practice encouraging the settlements and inducing companies to relocate there. I was given to understand that they sympathize with our stand but are powerless, because several European countries, such as Germany and the Netherlands, block all attempts in the Union to act against apparent Israeli interests. It seems that this obstacle has now been overcome. So I am happy.
In Israel, the government received the news with consternation. Just a few days earlier, they could not have dreamed that this was possible. In Israel, the European Union is an object of ridicule. Secure in the knowledge that we have absolute control of US policy, we could treat the EU with contempt, though it is our major trading partner. A large share of Israeli exports, including military equipment, goes there.
Government leaders are now sputtering with rage. Not one single politician has dared to speak in favor of the European decision. Right and Left are united in condemning it. Binyamin Netanyahu declared that only Israel would decide where its borders were, and this only in direct negotiations. Never mind that he has obstructed significant direct negotiations for years.
Naftali Bennett, the Minister of Economy, who also happens to be the chief representative of the settlers, rejected the decision out of hand. Only a few days before, this political genius (and self-declared “brother” of Ya’ir Lapid) had announced that there was absolutely no pressure on Israel. Lapid himself voiced his opinion that the European step was a “miserable decision”.
Bennett now proposes to punish Europe by stopping all EU humanitarian projects in the West Bank. But the most telling argument marshaled by Israeli leaders was that the European decision was undermining the valiant efforts of John Kerry to start negotiations between Israel and the Palestinian Authority. This is the height of chutzpah. For months now, Netanyahu and his government has been doing everything possible to prevent the hapless Kerry from achieving his goal. Now they use his fruitless efforts as a fig leaf for the settlements.
The Labor Party’s Shelly Yachimovich, the official “Leader of the Opposition”, contented herself with repeating the call for negotiations. No hint of criticizing the settlers, for whom she has publicly declared her sympathy.
As usual in such situations, Israeli public opinion started a search for those to blame. But there is no one around. Israel has no Foreign Minister, only a deputy, who happens to be one of the most extreme right-wingers in the Knesset. The last minister, Avigdor Lieberman, is facing trial for corruption, and the job is being kept open for him. Netanyahu obviously believes that no judge would dare to convict the fearful Lieberman, after the Attorney General has already shrunk back from indicting him on the most severe charges. Some people claim that the European decision was actually a pro-Israeli gesture, since it forestalls a general boycott of Israel, which is advocated by a growing number of personalities and NGOs around the world. A boycott of the settlements is the minimum. In this respect too, the Europeans have also adopted a stance that my friends and I have advocated for years.
Contrary to several Israeli leftists, I believe that a general boycott of Israel is counter-productive. While our boycott is designed to isolate the settlers and drive a wedge between them and the bulk of the Israeli population, a general boycott (called BDS) would drive almost all Israelis into the arms of the settlers, under the venerable Jewish slogan: “The whole world is against us!” It would strengthen the argument that the real aim is not to change Israeli policy, but to wipe out Israel altogether.
True, there are some good reasons for a general boycott, including the historic example of the boycott of Apartheid South Africa. But the Israeli situation is quite different.
The EU boycott of the settlements and their supporters will have a major economic impact. No one knows yet how much. But the moral effect is even more significant. Even if massive Israeli-American pressure thwarts or at least postpones the European action, the moral blow is already devastating.
It tells us: The settlements are illegal. They are immoral. They inflict a huge injustice on the Palestinian people. They prevent peace. They endanger the very future of Israel.
Thank you, Europe!
[Uri Avneryis an Israeli writer. He can be reached at avnery@actcom.co.il]
(Courtesy: Saudi Gazette)
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By Seema Sengupta
That every nation state indulges in propaganda for sub-serving a larger strategic goal is an open secret. But the doctoring of dossiers by intelligence agencies to mold mass opinion in concurrence with an obliging media is something that the unsuspecting public in India were never used to before the deadly Sept. 11 attack that decimated the iconic twin towers in New York more than a decade ago. In fact, this facade of war on terror has virtually given an opportunity to the practitioners of espionage to bolster their quest for acquiring absolute freedom to do anything and everything in the name of supreme national interest. The gruesome summary execution of 19-year-old Mumbai college girl Ishrat Jahan by a group of security officials in a staged encounter on a desolate stretch of highway — miles away from her hometown — in the outer periphery of Gujarat’s Ahmedabad city remains a glaring exhibit of how monstrous the state apparatus can turn into if given a free run. Incidentally, the principal protagonists who were in charge of planning and executing this extra-judicial murder without a hitch happens to be the opposition Bharatiya Janata Party’s (BJP) prime ministerial contender cum Chief Minister of Gujarat Narendra Modi’s trusted lieutenants. For those who are privy to Modi’s style of functioning, such violation of human rights, especially that of Muslims, is a normal phenomenon given the fact that this champion of Hindu fundamentalism shares with his mentors in the Rashtriya Sayamsevak Sangh, a chronic allergy toward anything related to Islam.
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Moreover, an organization which itself is not a creature of law is bound to be attracted by political elements having the least respect for established statute. Hence, Narendra Modi, with his infamous penchant for rewarding the unruly and antipathy toward Islamic tradition, may have already become an unofficial boss for the security apparatus. The same paraphernalia is dying to launch a no holds barred attack on what they believe to be Islamic terrorism that has been supposedly threatening the very existence of India as a nation state.
Not many in India are even aware of the dark underbelly of espionage comprising money, drugs and arms dealings. Since, the intelligence outfits are not accountable to the Indian Parliament — the supreme chamber of people’s representatives, nor do they feel obligated to conduct an independent audit of the unspecified sum of tax payer’s money spent on them, all the secretive agencies have a vested interest in keeping the pot boiling to maintain this veil of secrecy. The fratricidal tension, often spinning into full-fledged fight over turf also has its root in their predatory attribute and lust for controlling money power. It is all about the hard cash that floats in air, confessed an undercover officer to this author. So, it was natural for the IB to embark on a media campaign, leaking information about Ishrat’s apparent terror links to justify the illegal acts of its staff members and creating an impression of the encounter-case investigators being influenced by the ruling Congress to checkmate the BJP. In the midst of all this arguments and counter-arguments, Ishrat’s poor mother crying for justice is made to run from pillar to post even as the political vultures circle overhead to reap electoral benefit. Intriguingly, the IB is banking on American undercover operative David Headley’s testimonial to buttress their theory of Ishrat being a suicide bomber of the Lashkar-e-Taiba militant outfit. The same Headley was in constant touch with Indian agencies, who even facilitated his surreptitious reconnaissance trips to India — the reason why Headley’s visa documents has gone missing from Foreign Ministry’s possession. The fact that IB was in the loop about Headley’s movement explains the real reason behind the sensational post terror-events “Headley said so” inputs being leaked to the media selectively. Ishrat, unfortunately paid the price for resembling an individual — in name and appearance — who was participating in a top secret mission on behalf of Indian secret service and her acquaintanceship with an IB agent.
[Seema Senguptais a Kolkata-based journalist and columnist]
(Courtesy: Arab News)
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A recent study shows a higher minority representation in Assemblies has a correlation with progress for all on key social indicators
By Rupa Subramanya
Mumbai: In 2011, Samajwadi Party leader Mulayam Singh Yadav expressed concern over the low representation of Muslims in the Lok Sabha and Assemblies. He suggested quotas to rectify this.
Apart from an old provision for Anglo-Indian representation, there's no constitutional provision on quotas for minorities or backward castes in the Lok Sabha or the state Assemblies.
While Muslims comprise about 14 per cent of the population, they occupy much less in legislatures. For instance, after the 2009 Lok Sabha elections, there were only 28 Muslim members or a little more than five per cent of the House. In Gujarat, of 182 directly elected MLAs (one more is nominated) after last year's elections, there were only two Muslims - little over one per cent of the total, as compared to about seven per cent of the total population. Both winners were from the Congress party, which fielded just seven Muslims in all. The ruling Bharatiya Janata Party fielded none; nor did the challenger Gujarat Parivartan Party.
Issue, study
The merits of quotas are debated. Supporters say these would give a much-needed boost to historically disadvantaged communities, which lag in education, health and other social indicators. Critics say quotas needlessly punish members of the majority community for social ills which are centuries old.
In this context, it would be interesting to check if more representation of minorities or backward castes in legislatures would actually improve outcomes for the communities they represent or for society at large.
An important first step in answering this comes from research by a group of economics professors in different universities in Europe and the US - Sonia Bhalotra, Guilhem Cassan, Irma Clots-Figueras and Lakshmi Iyer. They amassed data on the religious identity of candidates for all state Assemblies from 1977 to 1998. They correlated this with data on education and health outcomes at the district level for the same time period, being careful to map each constituency to the district within which it fell. Data limitations didn't allow them to extend the study to more recent elections.
They wanted to study whether an increase in Muslim representation was of benefit to the Muslim community, and non-Muslims as well. Their results suggest an increase in Muslim representation is good for everyone. To be more precise, a one percentage point increase in Muslim representation led to a 0.148 percentage point decline in infant mortality and a 0.09 per cent a year increase in primary schooling.
In fact, their results showed Muslims themselves benefited somewhat less than non-Muslims in the education and health outcomes.
Reasons, debate
Iyer, a professor at Harvard Business School, told Business Standard there were several likely possibilities to explain these results. The first is that as Muslims are, on average, poorer than non-Muslims, it would make sense that they'd have a higher preference for public goods such as education and health. So, if elected, a Muslim legislator will press more for these public goods than a non-Muslim.
But why do these benefits spill over to everyone and not stay confined to the Muslim community? Iyer suggests as Muslims are more likely to live in densely populated urban areas, it would be difficult in both practical and political terms to target the benefits for only Muslims. After all, a public school or hospital is open to everyone, not just to the members of a local MLA's community who might have pushed to get that school or hospital in the first place.
There could also be a strategic political element at work. Since Muslims are a numerical minority in most constituencies, successful Muslim candidates will typically have to rely on the support of at least some non-Muslim voters and it's in their interest that these voters also benefit from increased access to public goods. This would be especially true if those voters came from another disadvantaged community such as backward castes, who might also have a preference for more public spending. What the researchers cannot explain is why Muslims themselves appear to benefit somewhat less.
The issue is whether these research findings provide a persuasive argument in favour of creating quotas for Muslims (or other minorities) in state Assemblies. While the inference in favour of quotas might be appealing, Iyer herself is circumspect, and suggests there are at least two reasons why quotas might not deliver the improved outcomes the research finds.
The first is that a quota might change the pool of would-be candidates entering elections. A weaker candidate who gets in only because of a quota might not be as committed to improving outcomes for his/her constituents as a candidate who had to fight and win a competitive election. Second, and related, if quotas make elections less competitive, there's less incentive for Muslim candidates to try to win over voters on the fence by delivering on better public goods.
However, this research does support the idea that it would be good if more minority candidates would stand for elections and also if major political parties were to offer them a larger number of tickets. Good for not only a pluralistic democracy but for development outcomes.
(Courtesy: Business Standard)
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By Tahir Mahmood
Pitched political battles are being waged between the votaries of secularism (the Congress) and those who complain about minority appeasement (the BJP). But neither of them discuss a third possibility : Indian-style secularism actually appeases the majority, at the expense of the country's two largest minorities -- Muslims and Christians. It`s worth pointing out, in that regard, the religious provisions in the Constitution as well as the lopsided interpretation of secularism since the very beginning of the constitutional era.
At the time of its adoption, the Constitution neither declared any state religion nor proclaimed India a secular state. By pronouncing 'equality before law and equal protection of laws' as fundamental rights, it mandated the state not to discriminate between the two 'on grounds only of religion, race, caste, sex, place of birth or any of them' in respect of public places and employment or appointment under the state.
This was considered enough to make the country `secular` without a formal declaration to that effect. The principle of undeclared secularism was, however, countered by several community-specific provisions either initially incorporated into the Constitution or inserted by some early amendments to it. In the years to come, the state applied, and the courts interpreted, some general constitutional provisions in ways that benefited particular religious communities.
Twenty-six years after its promulgation, the Preamble to the Constitution was amended to include the word `secular`, but all the religion-based provisions survived and remain in force to this day. The custodians of state authority have also continued to apply, and the courts of justice interpret, the general constitutional provisions the same way as before. Successive governments and the judiciary have consistently believed that these special constitutional provisions, administrative measures and judicial decisions detract nothing from the secularity of the state.
Among the religious provisions in the original version of the Constitution, in the chapter on Directive Principles of State Policy, was Article 48 that mandated the state to protect by law the cow and its progeny. Interpreting the laws, the Supreme Court made it clear that the mandate was based on Hindu beliefs. In a later case, the court even said that secularity of the state would not be `relevant` for deciding whether an administrative action mitigating the rigidity of any such law on religious grounds was permissible.
While another Article protected the religious right of the Sikhs to carry the kirpan, among the religious provisions introduced later by way of amendments was Article 290-A, directing the governments of Kerala and Tamil Nadu to pay from their respective exchequers substantial annual annuities to dewasom temples.
The word `only` in the non-discrimination provisions of the Constitution left room for according special favours to particular sections of citizens. Combining caste with social backwardness, the Constitution empowered the state to grant special favours to Scheduled Castes by way of protective discrimination, deciding which castes would be brought under the umbrella.
Although social stratification has always been, and remains, a general phenomenon shared by all religious communities, a Constitution (Scheduled Castes) Order was quickly promulgated, furnishing the initial list of `Scheduled Castes`, subject to a condition that only Hindu members of those castes would be covered by the list. Converts to Buddhism from castes named `neo-Buddhists` were to be excluded.
While the Sikhs succeeded just six years later to get their lower castes included, the Buddhists had to wage a 40-year-long struggle to get relief. The Muslims and Christians, who also share those castes, are still struggling against this discriminatory provision. The theoretical egalitarianism of these global faiths is invariably cited to keep their followers out of the ambit of the privileged class of Scheduled Castes.
If a Scheduled Caste Hindu, Buddhist or Sikh were to embrace Christianity or Islam, he would lose his SC status and all its attendant privileges. But should he ever return to his original faith, the privileges would be automatically restored. Although this is not made clear in the Constitution or the Scheduled Castes Order of 1950, this is how the apex court has interpreted the law, asserting it would `serve the interest of justice.`
But no government or court has ever introduced the `interest of justice` principle in respect of any non-minority institution. On the contrary, recognition of `minority character` of even historic minority institutions has been a hard nut to crack. Despite constitutional provisions, state actions and judicial interpretations of a clearly religious nature, the state`s blanket secularity has always been claimed as an alibi to deny any form of `protective discrimination` to Muslims and Christians.
Secularism has been developed on these clearly non-secular lines by political parties claiming to be absolutely secular and minority-friendly. How about parties who denounce their `pseudo-secularism` accusing them of `minority appeasement`? Will the policies hitherto followed to interpret state secularity entitle votaries of `cultural nationalism` to develop secularism to their liking? In view of the forthcoming possibility of change of guard this question merits serious consideration by all right-thinking citizens.
[The writer is a former chairman of the National Minorities Commission and an ex-member, Law Commission of India.]
(Courtesy: The Times of India)
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[Muallim – India’s only Muslim lifestyle Magazine and IndianMuslimObserver.com, India’s leading Muslim news portal, brings to you series on health plus, a guide to your fitness.]
By Ziaulla Nomani
The acronym ESMR stands for Extracorporeal Shockwave Myocardial Revascularisation.
ESMR can also be termed as Non Invasive Cardiac Angiogenesis Therapy (Ni-CATh).
ESMR therapy is a new approach to non-invasive therapy using Extracorporeal Shockwave technology for Myocardial Revascularisation (i.e. to improve the blood supply to heart muscles). Ischemic myocardial areas no longer accessible by conventional revascularization therapies like Bypass surgery or Ballon Angioplasty and stent, could be treated with the ESMR therapy to relieve symtoms resulted from the mycopcardial ischemia.
In Mumbai, advanced Non-Surgical, painless Treatment for Heart blockages was first performed by Dr.Zainulabedin Hamdulay, M.S., M.Ch. D.N.B., Consultant Cardiothoracic Surgeon and founder of Good Health concept, an Advanced Cardiac Care Centre, Mumbai.
This theory was developed by Essen Institute of Cardiology, Essen University, Germany.
Currently it is being used in over 40 centres across worldwide.
ESMR Treatment forms new natural blood vessels which improves the oxygenated blood supply to the affected portion of the heart non-surgically or non-pharmaceutically. For the reason it is called non-in or non-surgical Bypass treatment or Non Invasive Cardiac Angiogenesis Therapy.
The whole treatment duration is 20-30 minutes and the patient should undergo series of nine treatment sessions during a nine week period.
Unlike bypass surgery, Angioplasty and stenting procedures, ESMR is non-invasive, carriers no risk, painless, no anesthesia or sedatives required no retreatment limitations and is an outpatients procedure.
“ESMR therapy was a boon to me”
Siddharih Trivedi, Mumbai maintained that All the arteries of my heart were badly blocked. The doctors had refused me surgery or angioplasty as I was a diabetic with diffused blockages. ESMR was a boon to me and now I can do my routine activities with ease.
“ESMR treatment gave me second life”
Mustafa Kokhawala, said “After having a heart attack, my heart function was really bad, I could not walk for even 5 minutes. Now after ESMR therapy, I can walk for 30 minutes with no pain. This treatment has given me a second life.” Dr. Hamdulay and the entire team of Good Health concept is well equipped with this therapy.
“It’s like a MIRACLE to us”
Zohra Moosa Shaikh shared that Special thanks to Dr. Zainulabedin Hamdulay, entire team of Good Health Concept. By this treatment my mother is changed completely. Before, there was breathing problem, chest pain, sleepless nights, walking problem, tiredness, selective diet, etc. But now after this treatment she looks absolutely normal, can walk without support, can sleep easily, no breathing problem, no pain and day-by-day improvement. It’s like a MIRACLE to us.
Dr. Hamdulay’s Note:
This theory is effective in reducing chest pain.
It improves the ability to perform the physical activities.
It is relatively comfortable and carries no risk.
The basic of this treatment is shockwaves, which is given to the border of the ischemic area.
(Dr.Hamdulay is a leading Cardiothoracic Surgeon and is a consultant to Lilavati hospital, Wockhardt Hospital, Breach Candy Hospital, Prince Ally Khan Hospital and founder of Dr. Hamdulay Cardiac Rehab Centre and Good Health Concept for Advance cardiac care)
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Prof. J.S. Bandukwala has been a fearless crusader against communalism in Gujarat. On several occasions he had to pay a heavy price for his outspoken activism. His modest home faced mob frenzy thrice. His house was attacked by mob when he sided with Dalits during the anti-reservation stir of 1981. He had to gain bear the brunt a year later when he complained against police ill-treatment of Muslims. Again, for the third time his house was attacked by Hindu mobs during the post-Godhra communal riots of 2002. All the while, Prof. Bandukwala has chosen to fight for secularism in India and remains unfazed. Prof. Bandukwala did his doctorate in Physics from the US, and returned to India in the '70s to teach at Baroda's MS University because he did not want to join the flight of scientific talent from the country.
Prof. Bandukwala in an interview recently spoke to Kaleem Kawaja and talked extensively about India's Hindus and how they see and relate themselves with fight for secularism in India. Kaleem Kawaja is a prominent social activist living in Washington D.C. area in United States. Kaleem Kawaja works as an Engineering Manager in the Space Science program of NASA. Mr Kawaja is originally from Kanpur, India. He obtained a Bachelor of Science degree in Mechanical Engineering from the Indian Institute of Technology, Kharagpur, and a Master of Science degree in Mechanical Engineering from Brooklyn Polytechnic Institute, New York. Kawaja is one of the founders and current Treasurer of Association of Indian Muslims of America (AIM), an organization based in Washington DC. He is a well known activist in the Indian- Muslim, American- Muslim and Indian-American communities in the U.S. He is a trustee and past President of the Muslim Community Center, one of the largest Islamic Centers in metro Washington DC. Kawaja frequently writes articles in Indian, Muslim and American newspapers and blogs on diverse issues of the community. He also often speaks as a panelist in seminars and conferences.
Here are the excerpts of the Interview.
Kaleem Kawaja: Prof Bandukwala, you are a very learned and distinguished social activist and fighter for secularism in India. Many of us wonder as to what extent the Hindu society in India and Gujarat is secular.
Prof. J.S. Bandukwala: Janab Kaleem Kawaja is a distinguished writer . Iread his articles. Statistical figures on grave sociological issues are never possible. It is like drawing lines on water. People change their thinking, their views and even their prejudices from time to time. But one angle about India can be stated clearly: Gujarat is more communalised than other states in India. This confuses scholars from abroad because Gujarat was supposed to be the land of Gandhi and Narsinh Mehta. But Gandhi had little impact on Gujaratis. Oddly the man who reflected the Gujarati mind best was Kanhaiyalal Munshi, popularly known as K.M.Munshi . His work on Somnath ,its destruction by Mehmud Ghazni and his dream of rebuilding the same, touched Gujarat deeply. Today, Gujarati communalism is rooted in what happened at Somnath about one thousand years ago.
Kaleem Kawaja: In the aftermath of the partition of India and the awful Hindu-Muslim violence what helped secularism survive in India?
Prof. J.S. Banukwala: Yet we can never ignore that India is a secular democracy with equal rights for all citizens, including Muslims. Note that this was inspite of the horror of partition. This was possible because of Gandhi and the nature of the freedom struggle. More important Gandhi's assassination left a deep impact on Hindus all over the country. The Indian constitution was drafted at that time. Further, Nehru lived long enough to make secularism a reality.
Kaleem Kawaja: So what caused setback in India's secular society?
Prof. J.S. Bandukwala: But over time old prejudices returned. Kashmir and the wars with Pakistan revived communalism. The RSS and L.K.Advani realised the potency of Babri Masjid and used it to the hilt to turn the clock back.
Using religious symbolism, such as worshipping of Ram's slippers, and sending bricks from every village to Ayodaya, tempers were raised high against Muslims. Yet the impact was maximum in Gujarat. The RSS used this Ayodaya movement to rope all castes firmly within the saffron brigade. It is no wonder the tragedy of Godhra occured, and again used to the hilt by Modi for political supremacy.
The flip side is equally noteworthy. The male female ratio is frightening. News report daily about women committing suicide because they could not beget a son. The treatment of Dalits within Hindu society is still very poor. Dalits cannot enter most temples. Yet using the communal card, the RSS succeeded in turning them into foot soldiers. Most of the violence in 2002 was caused by Patels, Tribals, OBC, and Dalits. Though the maximum hatred against Muslims come from Gujaratis settled in the US. That is a painful . It is strange that those who abandoned India accuse me of being anti national, little realsing that I gave away my green card way back in 1972 to return and help my country and my community.
Kaleem Kawaja: Why in your opinion Muslims are near the bottom of the socio-economic and educational ladder in India?
Prof. J.S. Bandukwala: One last point concerns Muslims within India. Our leadership should have used the post partition period to reform andtransform our community. Instead the focus was on religious rights, as defined by the ulema. The vision was to protect poor Muslims from being lured into Hinduism. To give you an example, the region between Vadodara and Surat had 23 Darul Ulooms, which are the equivalent of a University. Huge funds flowed to raise posh centres that produced more and more ulemas, who sadly lacked the skills to operate in a modern India. All they could do was to lead prayers. Otherwise most had to be supported by an already poor community.
As against this fact, there was not a single engineering or medical or even science college in this region. Bohras and Khojas had financial, managereial and educational resources, but were tragically cut off from the Muslim mainstream . Even so eminent a man as Ahsan Jafri was not acceptable to the community as long as he lived, because his views were not palatable to the ulema. Note that after 2002 Muslim society has changed sharply and for the better.
Kaleem Kawaja: Will Muslim youth of today be able to break the stereotype and emancipate the community?
Prof. J.S. Bandukwala: There is a sharp rise in boys and girls wanting to go for higher education. There is a greater trend towards business, influenced by the fact that it is difficult for Muslims to get jobs outside. Most important, Muslims have become politically more mature.
Hopefully future generations will play the political game in a way that we may have an Obama like figure becoming the Chief Minister of Gujarat. Inshallah.
[Kaleem Kawajais a community activist based at Washington DC. He can be contacted at kaleemkawaja@gmail.com]
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By Danish Ahmad Khan
The teachers at Hamdard Public School, Talimabad, who have been representing for payment of salary and allowances as per the accepted recommendations of 6th Central Pay Commission, which apply to the recognised Private Schools in Delhi in light of Section 10 of Delhi Schools Act 1973, have recently adopted the RTI route to authenticate the veracity of their demand. Forty (40) teachers, presently employed at Hamdard Public School, Talimabad, submitted their application individually to the Dy. Director Education (South Delhi) to clarify whether their demand was correct or not.
While the complete list of 40 aggrieved teachers could not be obtained, reliable sources have confirmed the names of following teachers who among others sent the RTI query:-
1. Ms Neelam2. Ms Gulsaman3. Ms Abida Siddiqui4. Ms Nooris Seraj5. Ms Nandita Chowdhury6. Mr Mohammad Saquib7. Ms Pooja Kapoor8. Ms Razia Imdadi9. Ms Rumi10. Ms Rubina11. Ms Sumbul Hafeez12. Ms Jaya Deb13. Ms Manisha14. Ms Ranjita Ray15. Ms Shaheen Khan16. Mr Sameer Khan17. Ms Shail Kumari18. Ms Shafia Tariq19. Mr Sujoy Das20. Ms Shaista Azmi21. Ms Sadaf Musharaf
The query they have raised is whether the accepted recommendations of 6th Central Pay Commission for payment of salary and allowances apply to Hamdard Public School, Talimabad, and if so then from what date. The reply to the RTI query is an unambiguous YES, and that the date of giving effect to the 6th Central Pay Commission is 01.01.2006.
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The RTI route was thought as the first alternative course of action in view of total silence on part of the management of Hamdard Public School, Talimabad, and Hamdard Education Society, despite reminders and representation to the President of Hamdard Education Society.
Now that the RTI reply has confirmed that their demand is genuine, the teachers have said that they would now be taking up their demands even more strongly, and also complain to the Department of Education as to why it is not taking any action to make Hamdard Public School, Talimabad, fall in line with other recognized private unaided schools in Delhi.
Incidentally, the reply to the RTI query also shows that the Department of Education has made no inspection of Hamdard Public School, Talimabad, during the years 2006 to 2011. However, one inspection has been done during the year 2012, but the report of the inspection when asked for has not been supplied and only a remark by an officer other than the one who made the inspection has been forwarded. The remark says “Inspection report is not available in this office”. The aggrieved teachers said that when asked for the remarks of the officer who made the inspection should have been forwarded along with the RTI query.
One of the teachers while talking to this Correspondent said that till the report becomes available, it will be difficult to ascertain whether the Education Department is playing its role in ensuring that Hamdard Public School, Talimabad, is meeting its obligations in the matters of salary and allowances of teachers.
"If the Education Department is not doing its duty and instead shielding the management of Hamdard Public School, Talimabad, then this affect the morale of aggrieved teachers and have a strong bearing on their performance. This will also gravely ruin the futures of the students here as in such a situation and apathy of school management the teachers will completely lose interest in performing their duties sincerely and in shaping the future of the students," the teacher said.
Efforts to obtain comments from Hamdard Public School, Talimabad, and Hamdard Education Society, and the Education Department, have so far failed to elicit any kind of response whatsoever.
[Danish Ahmad Khan, a Delhi-based Journalist, is Founder-Editor of IndianMuslimObserver.com. He can be contacted at danishkhan@indianmuslimobserver.com]
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Every year many Muslim candidates sit in civil service examination but once they become successful in their endeavor of becoming an IAS officer, they get disappeared whereas some of them remain in touch with community and there are very few who are concerned and sincerely work for the betterment of the community. Shamim Akhtar is one such IAS officer who has over the years done lot of good things as far as community is concerned. Shamim Akhtar is ADM north as well as CEO of Delhi Waqf Board. Those who know him or met him are well aware of the fact that he is a very down to earth officer, a passionate photographer, extremely good human being and extraordinary genius. Shahabuddin Yaqub, Managing Editor of IndianMuslimObserver.com recently talked to Shamim Akthar and explored various facets of his enterprising personality. Here are the excerpts of his interview.
Shahabuddin Yaqub: I would like to ask first about your childhood memories. Have you ever thought that you were a different boy as compared to the rest of boys of your time?
Shamim Akhtar: I was born in an average Muslim family of Bihar. My honest father could not afford the tuition fee of any private school so most of my education was through Government Schools. Early childhood memories are filled with lots of love from father and a sense of responsibility as the eldest son in a family of eleven kids.
I never thought of being any different from my peer group, but I was born with a sense of responsibility as the eldest son.
Shahabuddin Yaqub: Your father was a highly regarded man and an honest officer? What are the qualities you have imbibed from your father?
Shamim Akhtar: Yes. My father was a practicing Muslim and hence a very honest officer with Govt. of Bihar as PCS (Allied) service. His memory was extraordinary and I think I have inherited from him somewhat sharp memory besides being an upright man in my own right.
Shahabuddin Yaqub: Where have you done your schooling from? Whom you remember when you reminisce of your school time?
Shamim Akhtar: I did my primary schooling from Chapra and then came to Danapur Cantt as my father was transferred and continued my education in Baldeva School (a Government School) and passed my 10th in 1985. I was almost friendless during my school days. The only friend other than School books were comics (I was very fond of comic books and I almost had a library of my own).
Shahabuddin Yaqub: Who inspired you to come to Delhi and get yourself admitted in JNU?
Shamim Akhtar: I was doing my B.A (Hons.) in Sociology from B.N College (Patna University) and almost everybody was filling the form of JNU. I was not interested in pursuing M.A (my idea was to go for civil services exam as my father wanted). A friend in college, Sanjay Nagpatni, asked me to fill the form of JNU and when I said that I was not interested in M.A, he challenged that I was not intelligent enough to qualify the entrance and if I qualified he would give me five hundred rupees.
It was he who paid for the forms and fees for me too. Incidentally I qualified the test and he could not.
Shahabuddin Yaqub: What was your first experience at the time of admission in JNU?
Shamim Akhtar: My result of B.A (Hons.) was delayed and with great difficulty I managed to get the provisional result from Patna University and in that confidential result it was mentioned that I had failed in Urdu (a qualifying subject only). I rushed to Patna, and got that rectified (it's another story).
So finally on the last day of admission I was formally admitted to JNU.
Needless to say that the campus has left a very strong impression on me.
Shahabuddin Yaqub: Has JNU played a great role in your life? Or is it your hard work and dedication that has opened the doors of success in your life?
Shamim Akhtar: I spent only two years in JNU (After M.A., I did not write the test for M.Phil, but went ahead with my preparation for the civil service exam). But, yes to a great extent JNU not only influenced my thought process but almost reshaped my life. Nothing comes without hard work, but without JNU my path could not be as easy.
Moreover, I met Sasmita (my classmate and now my life partner) in JNU . Without Sasmita I probably could not have achieved much in life, so my sincere thanks to JNU.
Shahabuddin Yaqub: Today you are known as one of the great and most admired photographers of India. Some of your works have been regarded as world`s best photographs. How did you get this success as you have not done any course in photography?
Shamim Akhtar: By the grace of Allah, now my work in the field of photography is being recognized a bit. I am a self taught photographer since the tender age of ten. At 15 years of age I used to do commercial photography in Patna for pocket money. It's a very long journey of passion. I do not consider myself to be a successful photographer yet , but Insha Allah someday I will claim my rightful position in Paris.
Shahabuddin Yaqub: You have done few coffee table books. Please let us know about these books and where did you get idea to write these books?
Shamim Akhtar: I was posted in Lakshadweep, the beautiful coral island of India, (my first posting) and there was not even a single good book on Lakshadweep. The photographer in me could not resist the idea of doing a coffee table book. Sasmita wanted to write a monograph on Lakshadweep, so we decided to do the fusion. She wrote the text and I did the photography. This book was completed in two years without any help from government or any other organization. At one point of time Publication Division "considered" our book and after two years returned saying that it was not up to the mark.
Then Sasmita decided to publish the book on her own, and by the grace of Allah, our first book "Floating Pearls in the Arabian Sea - Lakshadweep" was published by Nishcam Publication (Sasmita's firm) in 2007.
The second book "Rode to Heaven - Ladakh" is my biker's diary which did much better in open market and boosted our confidence. This was published in 2009.
The third book "Forgotten Dilli - Portrait of an immortal city" is actually a body of work on mediaeval Delhi which took 16 long years of research and passionate photography. This book has won international applause. This was published in 2010.
My latest coffee table book is "Kailasa - a journey within". This is one of a kind book on the abode of Lord Shiva and has been liked by scholars like Dr. Karan Singh. This was published in 2011.
All our books are self funded without any support from any organization.
Shahabuddin Yaqub: Apart from photography what are your other hobbies? I have heard that you are a passionate biker too? Please tell us about this.
Shamim Akhtar: Since the age of 18, I have been riding solo (mostly in the Himalayas). I can't say that I used to ride to take pictures or vice versa! I am still a solo rider and I have ridden almost all over the Himalayas on my Bullet. In fact My Ladakh book is a testimony of my ride. I have ridden to Ladakh four times now.
Shahabuddin Yaqub: As a civil servant, an allied IAS officer, how is your experience?
Shamim Akhtar: Though there are 27 services in the list of Civil Services conducted by UPSC, in reality there are only two civil services -- IAS and non- IAS. Allied services are second grade and I can't say that my experience is very positive.
Shahabuddin Yaqub: We heard about corruption. Do you agree that there is corruption in bureaucracy?
Shamim Akhtar: Without corruption bureaucracy is unthinkable. There is absolute corruption at every level.
Shahabuddin Yaqub: If so, then what is the way to eradicate the corruption from bureaucracy?
Shamim Akhtar: It's a long debate, but from my point of view to eradicate corruption, we will have to eradicate bureaucracy itself. In fact I absolutely agree with the point of view of Sardar Patel that free India should not have permanent bureaucracy which British used for the drain of wealth. It was the mistake of Pundit Jawahar Lal Nehru that he retained the same pseudo son of the British. There is no difference in the then ICS or the IAS of today. Bureaucracy works for itself and not for the nation.
Shahabuddin Yaqub: Many efforts are being done to increase the number of Muslims aspirants In IAS but the percentage of success is not growing. Why is it so? Is there any way to maximize the numbers in civil service examination?
Shamim Akhtar: What I feel of Civil Services, I have already mentioned in my previous answer. Though, what cannot be cured must be endured. Since India is still governed by IAS officers, there is a need of more Muslim representation in the service. Why there are very few Muslims in Civil Services, reasons are many, I would make an attempt to pen down few...
(1.) This exam requires mental confidence starting from class ten. Most of the Muslims do not take their school education very seriously. Neither there are many English medium Muslim schools in the country.
(2.) This is an expensive exam (books , coaching etc). Needless to say that the Muslim community is not very well placed financially.
(3.) This exam requires full time preparation of at least two years, which not many Muslim parents are willing to afford...
As such the reasons could be many, but the fact remains that our community is not a very well educated one. To maximize the numbers of Muslims in IAS, a long term strategy is required.
Emphasizing the need for good English medium schooling could be a good starting point.
Shahabuddin Yaqub: Have you ever felt that you are being discriminated because you belong to a particular community?
Shamim Akhtar: If I say that there is no discrimination in Governance, I would be a hypocrite and an insult to my father's teachings. India for all practical purpose is a Brahmin state. Specially in Civil Services, the hierarchy is as follows...
Brahmins
Other Upper Caste Hindus
Lower Caste Hindus
Scheduled Caste Hindus
Scheduled Tribes
Jains
Sikhs
Buddhists
Jews
Christians
and at the bottom Muslims.
Muslims are nothing but the new untouchables in the Governance of India. Of course, I have been discriminated despite my hard work because I am a Muslim.
Shahabuddin Yaqub: Why is communalism growing in India? What are the reasons according to your understanding?
Shamim Akhtar: Let's look back in history, why there was not a single Muslim reform through legislation in the time of Pundit Jawahar Lal Nehru? He enacted several legislations for Hindu reforms. Communalism is not a two way process in India. It has been imposed on Muslims. and the system branded Muslims as communal and terrorists. It's a conspiracy of the Government. Look at the Babri Masjid verdict, it is very clear that how Brahmins perceive Muslim and their culture and identity.
To my understanding, if the governance of India does not change its perception about Muslims, we can expect much worse condition in times to come.
Shahabuddin Yaqub: You are ADM north as well as CEO of Delhi Waqf Board. Is there any reason to be given additional responsibility to you, while other Muslim officer could be appointed as CEO of DWB?
Shamim Akhtar: As per the Waqf Act, only a Muslim can be appointed as CEO. So there is no choice. There are very few Muslim officers, hence this additional charge is routine. Moreover, ADM is much too junior a position for my seniority ( I am 1996 Batch of DANICS and in JAG grade since 2010. Despite repeated request to services, the Govt. is not posting me to my deserving position.)
Shahabuddin Yaqub: As a CEO what are the challenges before you? How you are going to solve it?
Shamim Akhtar: The biggest challenge is the financial health of Waqf Board. I alone as CEO can't do much.
There is support from the Chairman and all the members. So, through rationalizing the property management, we are soon going to be financially independent... Insha Allah.
Shahabuddin Yaqub: DWB has ample resources to generate money but these resources are not being managed properly, do you agree?
Shamim Akhtar: Yes, the properties are not managed properly. We are trying to do so slowly but surely.
Shahabuddin Yaqub: Muslims are far behind in education, health and employment. How can Delhi Waqf Board play a role to bring community forward in these areas? Community does not have good schools and hospitals in Delhi, as CEO have you given any thought to it?
Shamim Akhtar: Education, Health, and Employment is the domain of Governance and my previous few answers clarifies the attitude of Governments towards Muslims. Not much should be expected from Waqf Board which is not even able to manage its day to day affairs.
But, soon, we are going to develop our properties and even opening good schools and hospitals for the community is on our agenda.
Shahabuddin Yaqub: We perceive that DWB is not well connected with the community. As far as youths are concerned they are not very much aware about DWB? Do you want youths to be part of DWB? What initiatives are you going to take in this regard?
Shamim Akhtar: It is correct that Muslim youth are not aware of the good work being carried out by DWB, but we have to work hard to involve youth so that they understand our work and be a part in conserving Waqf properties.
Shahabuddin Yaqub: Please put some light on the activities and responsibilities which are being carried out by DWB towards community?
Shamim Akhtar: There are twin fold responsibility of the Waqf Board. All the mosques, Muslim graveyards, madarsas, dargah ...etc is to be managed by Delhi Waqf Board in Delhi. Social welfare measures like widow pension, financial support to students, etc is also to be taken care of by DWB for Muslims in Delhi.
Shahabuddin Yaqub: On the occasion of thanksgiving program which was held at IICC recently you have presented dozens of your precious photographs to IICC, what prompted you to present them to IICC?
Shamim Akhtar: I have done the book " Forgotten Dilli - portrait of an immortal city" with a purpose of making the citizens aware of the fact that Delhi was not built in a day. These mediaeval monuments are witness to our composite culture and pride. The pictures from the book was displayed recently at IICC, New Delhi and I gifted them my work so that they can understand the relevance of these pictures and preserve them for future generations.
Shahabuddin Yaqub: Do you have any message for the Muslim community?
Shamim Akhtar: First of all, every Muslim in India should ask a question to himself. Who partitioned this country in 1947, and if at all it was the will of the Muslim community in India, why majority of Muslims decided to stay back in India?
We the Muslims of India must remember that our ancestors decided to stay back here for the sake of love of their motherland and that makes all of us patriots. Muslims should restrain from all kind of violence and through education and right politicization, must reclaim their rightful palace in India.
Moreover, the responsibility to unite India once again lies on the shoulder of the Indian Muslims.
We must raise voice for unification of India, Pakistan and Bangladesh to make India once again the glorious nation that it is.
Shahabuddin Yaqub: What are priorities in your life? In next ten year what you are going to plan?
Shamim Akhtar: My priorities are very simple, to be a good son to my family and to be good father to my kids besides being a good and responsible citizen of INDIA.
I have always pursued my passions and would continue to do so till I die. So, in the next ten years I see myself very much on the same road, few miles ahead of being the upright man that I am. Rest is the will of Allah, that always prevails.
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