ByWaheeduddin
Ahmed
"In
the year 997, a Turkish chieftain by the name of Mahmud became sultan of the
little state of Ghazni, in eastern Afghanistan . Mahmud knew that his
throne was young and poor, and saw that India , across the border, was old
and rich; the conclusion was obvious. ------ Each winter Mahmud descended into India , filled his treasure chest with spoils,
and amused his men with full freedom to pillage and kill: -----Six years later
he sacked another opulent city of India , Somnath, killed all its
fifty thousand inhabitants, and dragged its wealth to Ghazni." So writes
Will Durant in his "The Story of Civilization: Our Oriental
Heritage". His reference to this narrative is: "History of
India" by Mountstuart Elphinstone (1841). He was a Scotsman, who had
become a civil servant in the East India Company and later the governor of Bombay in the early 1800s.
What Elphinstone's source of information is, I do not know but what we do know
is that India
lacked historians in the ancient and Middle Ages. There was no Herodotus,
Plutarch, Gibbon or Carlyle in India .
If there was any mention of historical events, it was not written in chronicles
but sung in epic poems like Ramayana and Mahabharata, potpourris spiced with
myths and flavored with fantasies. It is significant to note that Eight hundred
and fifteen years elapsed between Ghaznawi and Elphinstone, while the story of
Somnath was told and retold, mouth to mouth.
On the
other hand, synchronous historical narratives are more likely to have
originated in Khurasan where Firdausi was writing Shahnameh and such giants of
science and literature were at work as Al-Biruni and Bayhaqi. Small wonder
therefore that Mahmud, a patron of arts, science, literature and architecture
was capable of such extraordinary cruelty as has been depicted! This is not to
say that the Invaders' incursion into India
was benign and they came to India
to distribute sweets. Ghaznawi had only one purpose of these incursions: to
enrich Ghazni at the expense of Mathura
and Somnath. The dynamics of this plunder will be explained later.
So, what is
history? Some historiographers divide it into two categories: Speculative and
Analytical. Analytical history is philosophy, whose greatest exponent was Ibn
Khaldun. He changed the often superstitious, unrestricted acceptance of
historical data and introduced "the scientific method".
An ancient
as well as medieval concept of history was that it is cyclical: "History
repeats itself". This concept prevailed even up to the time of historian
Spengler. Later, in the age of Enlightenment, history began to be seen as
linear rather than cyclical. Axioms such as: "History was
irreversible". "You cannot step into the same waters twice in a
flowing stream", began to define the irreversible march of events.
The most
talked about concept of history however, is that of Hegel. He proposed that
history evolves due to contradiction between two systems: old and new, through
a process of thesis and antithesis, known as Dialectics. Marx illustrates the
process by the example of French Revolution. He points out that in the
Eighteenth century France ,
the Napoleonic period emerged as a result of contradiction between the age of
Louis XVI and the French Revolution. He reformulated Hegel's into an economic
theory, that proved to be speculative and crashed in front of our eyes.
In our own
times, Samuel Huntington predicted culture wars between Muslims and Christians
in post-cold war period and infamously called them "Clash of
Civilizations", a bitterly toxic viewpoint, which has already been
invalidated. Naef Al-Rodhan, an American neurosurgeon and philosopher of Saudi
origin has repudiated this theory by asserting that civilization should not be
thought of as consisting of different competing civilizations but an ocean into
which all the sub-cultures flow.
History can
be classified into two groups by virtue of how it is looked at by a narrator:
from bird's-eye view or from worm's-eye view. A philosopher of history, like
Ibn Khaldun looks at history from the bird's-eye view and sees its trajectory,
its dynamics, its twists and turns, the causality of events and the factors
which drive its engine. He gives more importance to the nature of governance
than the relationships between Mahmud and Ayaz; Raja Bhoj and Gangu Teli and
Akbar and Birbal.
The
worm's-eye view however, is more down-to-earth. Its scope has small dimensions
of time and space. Most of the history of India falls within this category as
told by foreign travelers and explorers, who landed in an area at a certain
time in history, met certain rulers and witnessed certain cultures. Megasthnes
was the Hellenic ambassador to Chandragupta Maurya's court; Fa Hien and Hiuen
Tsang were Chinese travelers, who came to India in search of knowledge about
Buddhism. Ibn Battuta was a Moroccan traveler who came to India during the Mongol invasion.
Al-Biruni, a polymath, who visited India
in 1017 A.D. from the south coast of the Caspian Sea ,
was a contemporary of Mahmud Ghaznawi, and wrote "Tarikh-al-Hind".
Firishta, who came from the south coast of the Caspian Sea
to the Deccan Sultanates, wrote treatises about Muslim India and its rulers.
The chronicles that these visitors wrote and from which our knowledge ensues,
are limited to their own experiences in the company of their patrons and
mentors and must be thought of as worm-like intrusions into the body politic of
the Indian society.
It is
imperative that we view the arrival of Islam in the subcontinent of India in the light of the Philosophy of History,
whether the carriers were the horsemen of Mohammad Bin Qasim, Mahmud Ghaznawi;
the cargo boats, which landed at the Malabar coast
or the Sufis, who followed the trails of the conquerors. It must be understood
that history rolls under its own weight, driven by "pressure
differentials". These differentials are generated by military, political and social imbalances as
well as by the dynamics of opportunism. Winds of conquests have blown from the
nomadic cultures to the sedentary cultures, from riders on horses' backs to the
unsuspecting people at ease in their civic dwellings, from the deficient to the
sufficient, from the austere to the opulent and from high density areas to the
low density areas. When the storm settles and the curtain is lifted, new vistas
open in the aftermath and new social dynamics unfold. New history begins; the
Old becomes irrelevant and the New becomes a starting point of another era.
Such is the linearity of history's progression. If you try to regress it,
history fights back, causing physical and social destruction.
In the
Indian subcontinent, the two-nation theory is attributed to Mohammad Ali
Jinnah. This is like saying that the heliocentric solar system is the invention
of Copernicus. The reality is that it has always been so. If you follow
Hinduism or you follow Islam, you fall into two distinct belief systems and
cultures but are they two different nations? That depends on how you define
nations. Switzerland
is a country (nation) with three different subcultures: German, French and
Italian. Each of these three have their own separate countries. In Afghanistan ,
there are five different ethnic groups: Pashtuns, Tajiks, Uzbek, Hazara and
Turkmen. Three of them have their own separate countries and the largest group
of them all: Pashtuns, has a larger part of the group living in Pakistan .
Although countries are carved out artificially due to geopolitics, colonialism
and imperialistic wars, all these people have developed systems in which they
have learnt to cooperate with each other and live peacefully, as the
alternative is death and disaster. In doing so, they define nations with
varying qualifications and merge the colors of the rainbow into a monochrome.
Not so in India ,
says the Rashtria Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), the Hindu nationalist party.
The RSS and
its Hindu nationalist forerunners like the Hindu Mahasabha preexisted the Nehru
Report of 1928 in the All India Congress Committee, proposing outlines of a
constitution for the future independent India , based on a majoritarian
system of government, which Jinnah opposed and all others, including a majority
of Muslim leadership supported. It was "politically correct" and in
keeping with the progressive world view, fashionable with the intellectuals at
that time. It was also beautiful in isolation, provided you shut out the
"vengeance" sentiments of the RSS. It is only now, almost a century
later that the dark aspects of the majoritarian system have dawned upon the
stalwarts of Democracy, vindicating Jinnah and exposing Nehru's miscalculation.
Those were the circumstances which caused Jinnah"s exit from the Congress
and the promulgation of the Pakistan Resolution of 1940 (Lahore Resolution).
Muslims in India
are in a unique position. Their population is estimated to be about 200
million. If they were to inhabit one country, it would be the sixth most
populous country in the world between Pakistan
and Brazil and yet they form
a minority of only 16% in India .
Only seventy-three years have passed since they were separated from their
co-ethnic compatriots in the east and the west. There is a glue of culture and
religion, which still joins them sentimentally together. They are asked not
only to readjust their sentiments but hate the people across the borders, who
one generation ago were their kin and creed. The fact that such a reversal of
sentiment is unnatural should be recognized and acknowledged. Anything other
than that would be hypocrisy.
So, where
do we go from here? I gave the example of two countries above: Switzerland and Afghanistan . There are many more,
which can be put in the same category. As I have argued, history is linear; you
cannot roll it back. You can only correct the course and go forward. You cannot
abolish Radcliffe Line, Durand Line or McMahon Line by driving tanks over them.
You can only erase those lines by joining the people's hearts. In order to do
so, you must settle your disputes by providing justice; detach the present from
the past. I am not a product of Mahmud Ghaznawi or Babar. I am a product of the
soil, which has been made beautiful by both you and me, Hindus, Muslims, Sikhs,
Christians and Parsis. You built Ellora and Ajanta ;
I built the Taj Mahal. You gave the world Buddha and the sophistication of
philosophy contained in Geeta and Upanishads. I brought the spices and gave you
the cuisines you love. We both brought India to where it is today. You
produced Aryabhata; I found Al-Khwarizmi and carried mathematics to the world,
without which there would have been no science and no space ships. Let us work
together: you and me, Indians and Pakistanis and Bangladeshis so that the
Radcliffe Line gradually fades into oblivion and a new, mighty and prosperous
subcontinent emerges.